TRACK 7: Urban governance and planning profession Hotel Borobudur Jakarta (Ambon+Nias+Ceram)
Sep 12, 2019 11:30 AM - 01:00 PM(Europe/Amsterdam)
20190912T1130 20190912T1300 Europe/Amsterdam 7.7 Metropolitan Governance

Metropolises, as expanding, are covering several jurisdictions. Infrastructures and public services are managed on different areas. The share of competencies between the different administration levels (State, Regions, local authorities) is complex. The metropolis management require specific tool for coordinating sectors, territories and communities. The international experiences on Metropolitan management offer innovation on governance and innovation mechanisms for the well-being on communities.

Hotel Borobudur Jakarta (Ambon+Nias+Ceram) 55th ISOCARP World Planning Congress in Jakarta/Bogor, Indonesia

Metropolises, as expanding, are covering several jurisdictions. Infrastructures and public services are managed on different areas. The share of competencies between the different administration levels (State, Regions, local authorities) is complex. The metropolis management require specific tool for coordinating sectors, territories and communities. The international experiences on Metropolitan management offer innovation on governance and innovation mechanisms for the well-being on communities.

Metropolitan governance in Southern Europe: working across sectors and boundariesView Abstract
Draft Presentation 11:30 AM - 01:00 PM (Europe/Amsterdam) 2019/09/12 09:30:00 UTC - 2019/09/12 11:00:00 UTC
Metropolitan areas have long been understood to benefit from the existence of regional governance structures. However, some large urban areas still lack effective coordinating agencies. In the case of Lisbon, Portugal, the legal framework has been steadily refined since 1991 to task the Metropolitan Area with a set of mandates, but has yet to be granted a compatible framework in terms of coordinating power and human/financial resources. Portugal, in comparison to others European countries, suffered a late urbanisation and even more recent metropolization. The accelerated, formal and informal growth of the metropolitan area was achieved through the intervention of a broad but not well-coordinated group of actors with very high costs of effectiveness and efficiency, penalising the quality of metropolitan life. The future, and roles, of metropolitan areas in the country have been entangled in the politically-sensitive debate surrounding regionalisation. Inter-municipal collaboration tends to occur only in contexts of cross-border, mutually beneficial, specific projects and/or where there were incentives for collaboration (such as additional funding). Our study of comparable southern European metropolitan area governance structures is focused on analysing the scope of their mandates, in terms of sectors and level of planning, management and legislative authority, and highlight a set of “best practices” for tackling the new political, institutional, and economic contexts. Thus, this paper provides an updated state of the art by critically scrutinising of metropolitan governance models in similar economic, political and cultural contexts. We seek to answer the following questions: What governance models exist in Southern Europe? How do they work? Who is involved? How do public and private entities interact throughout the process? From this analysis, we develop proposals on how to improve metropolitan governance structures. The methodology is based on the review of literature (legal documents, academic papers) with the objective of identifying the variables to be analysed and the relevant case studies, which is complemented with interviews with experts and stakeholders of each country to refine the information on the inner workings of each metropolitan area governance structure. Four case studies located in Southern Europe were selected considering some governance principles and comparable criteria based on the demographic and economic dimensions as well as metropolitan challenges that they face. We focus especially on answering the question of how/if metropolitan governance structures promote inter-sectoral cooperation and coordination, and how multi-jurisdictional collaboration is conducted. Southern Europe countries have recently furthered metropolitan areas’ administrative/legislative powers, often accompanied with the creation of elected government bodies, such as a metropolitan mayor or a metropolitan assembly. Increasing the visibility, transparency, and accountability of regional coordinating authorities therefore appears to be a trend in several southern European countries. These metropolitan areas are now host to a constellation of new actors (private lobbies, interest groups, NGOs) and emerging societal challenges (aging, climate change, mobility, e-government, economic crisis, immigration, housing, among others) that are often incompatible with fragmentary, sectoral action, requiring instead concerted solution across sectors and involving multiple jurisdictions. Best practices suggest that the creation of truly collaborative networks can, and should be, promoted by the metropolitan areas. These entities should hold a role as mediators between different stakes, and as facilitators of cooperative action, while not foregoing their authority as decision-makers. From our comparative analysis, metropolitan governance structures will become effective only when vested with the appropriate resources (funding, expertise, decentralised authority).
José Antunes Ferreira
Professor, Instituto Superior Técnico - Lisbon University
Making TOD Implementable in Indian Megacities : From theory to practice View Abstract
Full Paper 11:30 AM - 01:00 PM (Europe/Amsterdam) 2019/09/12 09:30:00 UTC - 2019/09/12 11:00:00 UTC
India’s unprecedented decadal growth and the emergence of 6 megacities with a population over 10 million calls for solutions that go beyond the paradigm of traditional planning. Transit Oriented Development (TOD) is widely acknowledged as the solution to sprawl, longer commute distances and carbon emissions– problems that are typical of rapidly urbanising economies. TOD encourages high density, mixed-use living environments that bring live, work and leisure closer to transit, thereby eliminating the need for personal vehicles and thus promoting active travel. However, TOD has largely been a buzzword in Indian policy documents for over a decade, as the country still awaits its first fully implemented TOD project. In 2016, the Ministry of Urban Development(MoUD) released the National TOD Policy as a guideline for all states to formulate policies. The states of Jharkhand and MP now have a policy framework in place, while cities like Delhi, Ahmedabad and Bangalore have attempted to incorporate TOD in their Masterplans. However, these policy frameworks only dictate universal principles of urban design as ‘special norms’ for TOD Influence Zones (typically delineated as either nodes/circles of 500m radius around metro stations or corridors of 500m on both sides of Bus Rapid Transit Systems). Replicating urban design guidelines in the name of state policies without contextualisation does not help enable TOD as implementable projects. Multiple reasons are attributed to the colossal failure of TOD policies. Firstly, normative Masterplans lack the dynamism that can adapt to demand, and often tend to dissociate themselves with on-ground realities that impede TOD implementation in a democratic manner. Delhi’s TOD policy attempted to address this issue by devising appropriate institutional setups and bottom-up land assembly mechanisms. Despite these steps, not a single application has been received for pooling land under the TOD scheme since its notification in 2015. Secondly, a blanket policy across all 271 metro stations having significantly different urban conditions is unlikely to fructify without a context-specific action plan. Recognising this gap, Delhi’s modified TOD policy (2019) pushes for a phased implementation of TOD on selected nodes instead of the city as a whole. This welcome move is not only an opportunity to identify nodes with high potential but also determine a distinct vision for each node, that will aid in the city’s image-making process. Using Delhi’s approach of identifying priority nodes for TOD, this paper aims to explore similar mechanisms for other cities to follow suit. It advocates streamlining the process of selection through development of a robust set of indicators that classify nodes into categories of high, medium and low potential and assist policy-makers in decision making. The methodology involves a study of 10 nodes in Delhi on the basis of various parameters such as quantum of land available for redevelopment, land ownership, size of plots, availability of government-owned land, etc. Consequently, a series of indicators are identified and weightages are assigned based on relationships established with their locational context. One of the key conclusions that the paper aims to arrive at is a set of observations on the scope of TOD in densely populated core-city regions versus the sparsely developed peri-urban regions. Broad thumb rules for the development of these nodes as Strategic Investment Districts may help public and private players understand market forces and work out the economics for such projects. The paper however, is limited to establishing only physical indicators that may be applicable to most megacities in India. The actual feasibility of TOD projects also depends on state laws and local land assembly mechanisms which are city-specific and beyond the scope of this paper.
Presenters Jyoti Vijayan Nair
Research Associate, National Institute Of Urban Affairs
Towards a New Paradigm in City Branding and Marketing: The Case of Doha, QatarView Abstract
Full Paper 11:30 AM - 01:00 PM (Europe/Amsterdam) 2019/09/12 09:30:00 UTC - 2019/09/12 11:00:00 UTC
In rentier countries around the Gulf, a paradigm shift is certainly happening. Gulf States resorted to branding strategies which would secure a global recognition for their cities. Such strategies were based on three consecutive cycles of development. The first is the move towards dealing with the city image as a replica of global cities like Chicago, Hong Kong and New York’ skylines. The second was in building international projects particularly museums to gain the world recognition. The case of Abu Dhabi’s cluster of cultural projects on Saadiyat Island including the new Louvre is worth mentioning in this context. The third cycle is related to the notion of hosting global events as Dubai did managing to be selected for hosting the world Expo 2020 or Qatar’ success to win the bid for hosting the 2022 FIFA World cup. The three cycles were a result of the unprecedented financial revenuers generated from the oil and gas resources. The entire Gulf cities are in the process of diversifying their economic base, with the vision of transitioning to a sustainable post-oil future, they are positioning themselves as places to visit, work and live. Place-branding has emerged as a significant trend across the Gulf cities in the construction of this image and consequently in the production of places. For a long number of years, the concepts of branding and marketing were thought of as notions only related to trade and commercial products. In the last two decades and as a reaction to the globalization paradigm, these concepts became City Branding. Among a rising competition between cities to attract the emerging creative and knowledge class and also to capture a share in the global tourism, branding is now a major strategy adopted by many cities around the world to emphasize its unique character and personality. As defined in marketing theories, Branding is not about getting your target market to choose you over the competition, but it is about getting your prospects to see you as the only one that provides a solution to their problem. The paper analyzes the effectiveness of tools used in Doha, the capital city of Qatar to create its own identity within the Gulf States and the rest of the Middle East. The analyzed tools will include City Uniqueness, Quality of Public Spaces, Signature Architecture, Events, Festivals, Cultural Tourism and Facilities. One of the main strategies used in Doha to articulate its brand is enhancing the ability of the city to host global Events, Festivals, and international sports. Competitions and cultural Carnivals. The research illustrates the use of Interesting Architecture, Cultural Facilities, Unique streets, Public parks, City natural and man-made Uniqueness as a City Marketing and Positive Branding Tools. The paper investigates crucial questions including the impact of the digital paradigm on the competitiveness of cities? How to regionally and globally market a city? What are the sustainable and resilient strategies for branding contemporary city? The paper also articulates a model for the case of Doha city banding and marketing which is based on a balanced approach. Such an approach would consider traditional assets including history and heritage. Also, it will include contemporary and innovative assets resulted from the last decade unprecedented investments in the sectors of education, research, culture and knowledge. Hence, the paper suggests a more holistic approach to city branding which would balance between social equity, economic prospertiy and ecological intergrity.
Presenters Ali Alraouf
Professor, Ministry Of Municipality
Mapping institutions and actors in urban coastal management of Jakarta's BayView Abstract
Case Study/Research Project 11:30 AM - 01:00 PM (Europe/Amsterdam) 2019/09/12 09:30:00 UTC - 2019/09/12 11:00:00 UTC
The coastal is one among the densest area of the cities. Along with rapid development, there are environmental and social pressures. Environmental risk has been an unavoidable part for a long time, and the reduction effort still happened until now. The climate change impact has also contributed greatly to the losses and damages that occur in the coastal area. It is also forecasted that, if global warming continues at its current rate, some areas in Jakarta will be inundated by 2050 (Firman 2010; Measey 2010). Furthermore, many other areas in North and Central Jakarta are likely to be submerged in the future, which will cause major suffering for residents as a result of the physical and socio-economic impacts (Firman 2010).Meanwhile, social cohesion as a result of development and degradation of environmental conditions is also growing day by day. Various types of interests has direct the coastal development to many things depending on stakeholder’s interests. Coastal management of Jakarta Bay has a multi-level basis, with different levels of intervention. Engagement between the government, private sector, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), international NGOs, and community-based organizations seeks to fill the gap in coastal management. However, the complexity of its roles and functions has resulted in difficulties in coordination and implementation of programs in Jakarta's Bay. One of the impacts of the absence of a comprehensive understanding of coastal management in Jakarta's Bay is the resistance from any stakeholder and inefficiency of the development program. To see through this context, planning policy and governance of implementation are two of many ways to identify the direction of development along with the stakeholder’s interest in urban coastal management. Modified from the United Cities and Local Government analysis in several cities in European and American cities that the dynamic relationships between the government, civil society and the market are bringing about far-reaching changes in traditional ways of governing including implementation the public policies of coastal planning and management. It’s not only through coastal society to social service delivery but also through the formation of associative networks, i.e. public-private partnerships which shape policy decisions. Associative networks are contributing to the emergence of a new style of governing based on participation, co-operation and shared responsibility. This research has a comprehensive understanding of governance on Jakarta's bay. Having a mixed method methodology through content analysis and actor mapping tools, this paper describes a network of interactions between state and non-state actors regulating the planning process until implementation in the coastal development of Jakarta. By doing this methodology, we divided into six steps that modified from a concept of actor’s interaction to find the linkage among the actors such as 1. Categorize the topics include frame it in an appropriate questions, 2. Identify the actors and grouping with the categorization, 4. List the roles of the actor’s internal and external way, 3. Connecting through links between actors, 5. Define influence, motivations among actors, 6. Harvest observations and possible actions of actors. Not only the actors, we also defines the policy from national, province, local until collective agreement that run in practical daily life. Based on the findings, the interrelationships of each actor are complicated so that several policies and plans appear that are not well coordinated. Meanwhile, coastal communities with limited access try to be independent in facing existing problems.
Arif Gandapurnama
Researcher, PRPW UI
Irene Sondang
Researcher, UI
Ahmad Zubair
Associate Researcher, Center Of Urban And Regional Research, University Of Indonesia
Nala Hutasoit
Researcher, Center Of Urban And Regional Research, University Of Indonesia
Decentralisation and Devolution in Growing Megacities: Case of Bangalore, IndiaView Abstract
Full Paper 11:30 AM - 01:00 PM (Europe/Amsterdam) 2019/09/12 09:30:00 UTC - 2019/09/12 11:00:00 UTC
Through the 74th Amendment Act of 1992, India sought to change the role of municipalities through devolution of power and functions, envisioning them as “democratic units of self-government” (74th Amendment Act, 1992). While, the past years have witnessed the contrary, undermining the decision-making power and fiscal control of the urban local bodies. This paper uses Bangalore as a case to explore the nature and forms of this “capture” (Benjamin, 2010) . Creation of parallel modes of governance through parastatals and task-forces laterally shifts the decision-making power away from the ULBs. Scholars of the Collaborative for Advancement of Studies on Urbanism through Multi-Media (CASSUM) have discussed have widely discussed such cases in the Bangalore context. One such example is, the Agenda for Bengaluru Infrastructure and Development Task Force (ABIDe) which was instituted in 2009 to provide recommendations to address challenges of the city consisting of the city’s ‘elite’. Though the scale and complexity of the megacity functions demand technical expertise and support how do we retain the decision-making power within the democratic realm. As beneficiaries of loans from International Financial Institutions, megacities in growing economies are faced with conditionalities that affect its municipal functioning, passing the reigns of control to neoliberal interests. Bureaucratically controlled Karnataka Urban Infrastructure Development and Finance Corporation (KUIDFC) is another example of a specially established financial intermediary that prepares, formulates and implements infrastructure development projects, in-turn weakening the urban local body by capturing fiscal control and re-routing decision making. Earmarking new planning areas by carving out jurisdictions adds new stakeholders, taking away the authority from the urban local body like in the case of Electronics City Industrial Township Authority (ELCITA) and from the local planning authority as in the case of Bangalore International Airport Area Planning Authority (BIAAPA). Despite these manoeuvres, the balance of power tips through processes such as “occupancy urbanism” (Benjamin, 2008), increasing role of ward committees, “vote bank politics” (Benjamin, 2008) as well as leverage of agency by the “civil and political society” (Chatterjee, 2004) to name a few. In the context of these contestations, this paper explores the possibilities of enhancing the democratic processes and strengthening the role of Urban Local Bodies in megacities, preventing it from becoming subservient to the neoliberal forces. Concurrently, addressing the challenges that lie in the process of decentralisation in megacities to address issues of regional economic stability and equitable income distribution. Key informant interviews form the basis for the primary research. The paper also looks at secondary sources, focusing on the institutional architecture; responsibility matrix and delivery mechanisms. Rooted in a constitutional provision, this research is applicable to the Indian context while the conceptual understanding of decentralization and devolution in governance is critical across megacities globally, especially as cities continue to seek autonomy not just in functioning but identity and influence in the network of global flows. Following the enquiry of decentralisation and devolution in megacities it becomes evident that devolution does not necessarily translate into decentralisation and decentralisation does not guarantee devolution. While unpacking this dynamic, a third element of 'disconnectedness' emerges in the equation. 'Disconnectedness' between the parts affecting the whole, embodied as intents as well as outcomes through tools of planning, administrative, legal, political and economic choices. Can globally connected and regionally important megacities afford this disconnect? What is the role of a central system to negotiate the outcome of 'disconnectedness' in favour of not just the whole (megacity) but also its parts?
Instituto Superior Técnico - Lisbon University
Research Associate
National Institute of Urban Affairs
Ministry of Municipality
No moderator for this session!
Kepala Sub Bidang Sinkronisasi Program dan Pembiayaan
BPIW - Pusat Pemograman dan Evaluasi Keterpaduan Infrastruktur PUPR
Ms Jennilee Kohima
Namibia University of Science and Technology / Namibia Institute of Town and Regional Planners
Mr Khaled Abdellatif
Middle East Urban Planning Team Leader
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